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Behind SeaLight: China-targeting cognitive warfare platform stokes tensions in South China Sea_我的网站

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    China Coast Guard vessel 3303 deploys water cannons on July 24, 2026, against Philippine public vessel MMOV 3001, which had intruded into China's Huangyan Dao waters, forcing the vessel to turn around and sail away from Huangyan Dao. Photo: Courtesy of China Coast Guard
Cloaked in the academic mantle of a Stanford‑affiliated "think‑tank" but operated by retired US military officers; dispatching no warships but endlessly churning out provocation scripts in the South China Sea, and shifting from choreographing footage of maritime stand‑offs to meddling in legitimate China‑Philippine cultural and academic exchanges, the SeaLight has loomed behind numerous China‑Philippine maritime frictions over the past years.
The true nature of the SeaLight, once stripped of disguise, is a well‑orchestrated cognitive‑war tool targeting China. It delivers strategies, provides talking points, furnishes intelligence and cultivates proxies, weaponizing both maritime confrontations and people‑to‑people exchanges to deliberately stir up tensions in the South China Sea.
A cognitive‑war platform

Public information indicates that SeaLight is affiliated with Stanford University's Gordian Knot Center for National Security Innovation, established in 2021 with sponsorship from the US Office of Naval Research and funding from the US Department of Defense. The funding sources amounted to approximately $12.8 million.
Public records indicate that SeaLight's "director" Ray Powell served 35 years in the US Air Force, including posts in the Philippines, Japan, Germany, and Qatar. In 2022, following his departure from overseas service, he launched "Project Myoushu," which evolved into "SeaLight" in 2023. 
When Global Times reporter browsed SeaLight's website, multiple unprofessional features of this self‑proclaimed "think‑tank" came to light. Aside from its "director" Powell, the team counts merely three other members, one of whom is a web developer.
Even so, this same "think tank" smeared China's lawful actions to safeguard sovereignty in the South China Sea on its website as the world's "most expansive and aggressive maritime gray‑zone programs."
In February this year, Guo Wei, Deputy Spokesperson of the Chinese Embassy in Manila, wrote in an X post that as a US-based organization, SeaLight maintains "an unusually concentrated focus on the South China Sea." It has reacted to maritime developments with remarkable speed, at times even preceding official statements from Philippine authorities.
"Why does SeaLight concentrate so heavily on this specific region? Through what channels does a US-based entity obtain rapid access to satellite imagery and operational information located thousands of kilometers away?" Guo asked. 
A Manila‑based source told the Global Times on Friday that SeaLight maintains close‑knit, in‑depth coordination with the Philippine Coast Guard. The two sides sustain long‑term information exchange and intelligence‑sharing, forming a collaborative model through which the Philippines provokes maritime incidents at sea, SeaLight assigns public‑narrative framing, and social media platforms amplify the hype, to stage targeted cognitive‑war games against China.
Billed as a research institute, SeaLight is essentially a China‑targeting cognitive‑war platform centered on a small group of individuals, supplying the Philippines with policy advice, intelligence inputs and public‑narration talking points, Chen Xiangmiao, a research fellow at the National Institute for South China Sea Studies, told the Global Times on Friday. 
In addition, it serves as a megaphone for the Philippines, churning out disinformation across social‑media platforms to viciously smear China and fabricate the "China threat" narrative, courting international attention in a deliberate bid to stoke regional tensions, Chen added. 
"An ex-US Air Force colonel is now running the show in Philippine foreign relations," Rod Kapunan, a columnist for the Philippines' daily newspaper The Standard, wrote in his article in 2024. He further described Powell as the author of the "transparency strategy," which Philippine officials took as "Philippine policy."
"SeaLight hides its main objective, which is to apply the 'missing context fallacy' to create an anti-China narrative out of the South China Sea territorial claims disputes amongst the five littoral states surrounding the strategically critical body of water," Kapunan said in the article. 
"Still, its China‑focused cognitive warfare yields diminishing marginal returns," said Chen, "Repeated lies fail to convince the public. For this reason, it keeps hunting for new material for attacks, yet it can never create any major ripples."
Back in September 2024, an article in The Diplomat titled "The Philippines Should Take Note: 'Assertive Transparency' Is Not a Strategy" noted that it was in 2023, "spurred on by the likes Raymond Powell and the folks at Project Myoushu, that the Philippines began publicizing maritime incidents in the South China Sea." However, what Philippine authorities need to understand is that "assertive transparency" has reached its saturation point.
The second battlefield

For a long period, SeaLight fought its main battles on South China Sea waters, guiding the Philippines to hype stand‑offs and fabricate the false "China bullying the Philippines" narrative. Lately, however, it has shifted its battlefield, targeting normal China‑Philippine cultural and academic people‑to‑people exchanges.
Last month, Philippine Defense Secretary Gilberto Teodoro Jr. called for greater scrutiny of foreign academic and cultural exchange programs with China, in response to a SeaLight report that claimed China's Jinan University has become the main broker between China's institutions and Chinese-language schools in the Philippines.  
This incident directly forced the cancellation of a three‑week‑long field research trip to the Philippines scheduled for August 4 by Dai Fan, Director of the Center for Philippine Studies at Jinan University.
Dai told the Global Times on Friday that this incident lays bare the fact that SeaLight is by no means a rigorous, neutral academic‑research platform. Instead, it follows a propaganda playbook where conclusions come first and evidence is cobbled together afterwards.
Nevertheless, this simplistic and heavy‑handed narrative is highly deceptive and manipulative in the public opinion arena. It can easily mislead the Philippine public and foster one‑sided perceptions, Dai added. 
In an X post on August 2, the Chinese Embassy in Manila further pointed out that the incident marks Ray Powell's "second battlefield" against China, from maritime disputes to civil society. 
"His broader objective appears clear: to encourage the Philippines to view nearly every interaction with China through the lens of strategic confrontation, gradually transforming the country into a frontline state in Washington's competition with Beijing. The ultimate goal is to systematically turn the Philippines into a 'proxy battlefield' for containing China," reads the embassy's X post. 
The latest report released by SeaLight was immediately echoed by Philippine Defense Secretary Teodoro, underscoring the close collusion between the two sides, Chen noted.
Based on long‑term observations by a Global Times source based in the Philippines, SeaLight, the Philippine Coast Guard and pro‑US, anti‑China hard‑line forces in the country have forged an interconnected chain. They have long sought to push for amendments and upgrades to the Philippines' anti‑espionage law and advance legislation for the so‑called "proxy bill," aiming to establish a systematic, institutionalized anti‑China mechanism.
According to Chen, there is a strong likelihood that Philippine authorities provide financial backing for SeaLight's China‑focused cognitive‑war operations. Meanwhile, Powell and SeaLight have become a key instrument for the Philippine military to secure budget appropriations from Congress.
This strategy creates a sinister closed‑interest loop: stoking maritime frictions, whipping up domestic public sentiment, and pressuring Congress to divert livelihood‑related budgets to the Philippine Coast Guard (PCG). The tenser the maritime situation, the more resources flow to the PCG. By contrast, calm seas strip the force of its rationale for expansion, Chen said. 
According to Chen, this opportunistic hype‑driven model adopted by the Philippine side in collusion with SeaLight will ultimately backfire. The South China Sea disputes could have been managed through dialogue to share marine and fishery resources and deliver mutually beneficial outcomes. However, SeaLight keeps stoking conflicts and amplifying divisions, severely undermining the Philippines' environment for peaceful development, at the expense of the Filipino people's vital interests.
Regional countries ought to see through the true nature of such external "think‑tank" projects. They should recognize the harm these entities inflict on regional well‑being, peace and stability by artificially orchestrating public opinion storms over the South China Sea, said Chen.
The Philippines' ill-judged farce of provoking China will sooner or later end in tragedy for itself, Chen warned. 
。    我最近分享的那些关于 Xbox 的故事，在品牌 25 周年即将来临之际，现在听起来可能觉得有点荒谬甚至疯狂——比如我如何在 Bungie 的储藏室里成为全球首批通关 Halo 2 的人之一——但我保证，在当时这一切都很正常。

B | 今天我要给你们讲另一个故事，这是我职业生涯中最美好的游戏回忆之一。

C | 它是关于 上古卷轴IV：湮灭重制版 的。如果你是 Xbox 360 刚问世时的玩家，你一定记得 Xbox 360 作为“高清时代”首款主机的重大意义。在此之前的整个视频游戏历史（至少在主机端——向当时已经 1024x768 多年的 PC 玩家致敬）都处于标清阶段。终于，我们从 640x480（而且是隔行扫描）跨越到了 1280x720。现在听起来可能微不足道，但在当时这是一个巨大的飞跃。Xbox 360 在 2005 年 11 月凭借 使命召唤：战区2、哥谭赛车计划3 以及几个月后令人惊叹的 Fight Night Round 3 取得了快速开局。但在 Xbox 360 上市初期的几个月里，有一款游戏是我们所有人最期待的：上古卷轴IV：湮灭重制版。它原本应该是新主机的首发护航作品，但后来被推迟了。我个人和职业上都对这款游戏感到非常兴奋，因为它看起来就像是我终极的中世纪奇幻 RPG 梦想成真。因此，我在 2005 年全程主导了《官方 Xbox 杂志》（OXM）的相关报道；随着游戏和主机的热度攀升，那一年我至少去了两次位于马里兰州的 Bethesda Game Studios。该工作室通过 2002 年初代 Xbox 移植版的 上古卷轴 3：晨风 已经赢得了大量主机玩家粉丝，但这一次，Oblivion 被准备为一款与 PC 同步首发的 Xbox 360 游戏。

D | 我在那几次行程中看到的内容——后来转化为 OXM 的专题报道——进一步点燃了我的热情。惊艳的画面、动人的音乐，以及无论你是否在场都有日常作息的“鲜活”NPC——这一切似乎都在汇聚成某种真正特别的东西。

E | 我每天大约有 11 个小时生活在塞洛迪尔（Cyrodiil），无需思考任何其他事情。当最终到了评测 Oblivion 的时候，OXM 再次获得了独家评测权。结合杂志出版周期的提前量，这意味着我在 2006 年 1 月回到了 Bethesda 评测 Oblivion，而该作在 3 月才正式发售。每个人都知道这将是一款大作——Morrowind 确实名副其实——所以计划是在 Bethesda 待上四天，尽可能多地玩。当我到达工作室时，我被带到地下室，（再次）向 Todd Howard 打了招呼，然后被护送到一间玻璃墙会议室。房间的一头有一台巨大的电视，另一头是我的椅子和一台 Xbox 360 开发机，桌上放着一个手柄。

F | 然后，其他人都离开了。我的任务是在回家为杂志撰写评测之前，尽可能多地积累游戏时间。我的酒店就在 Bethesda 办公室隔壁，所以我甚至不需要在往返工作室上花时间。食物是帮我订好的，我在会议室里稍作休息并就餐。在四天时间里，只有我和我创建的弓箭手/盗贼相伴了 44 个小时。是的，我每天大约有 11 个小时生活在塞洛迪尔，无需思考任何其他事情：没有其他工作，没有其他责任。这太棒了，是我一生中最好的游戏体验之一。我探索、战斗、潜行、偷窃，加入了黑暗兄弟会，关闭了一大堆湮灭之门（Oblivion Gates），当然，我还确保完成了主线剧情任务。我甚至在森林里找到、驯服并骑上了一只独角兽。这一切最糟糕的部分有两个：第一，必须停止游戏。第二，当游戏的最终零售版到达时，必须重新开始。

G | 但作为这款游戏是多么不可思议的证明（谢天谢地，得益于去年的优秀重制版，它现在依然如此），我在 3 月份回家后又投入了 125 多个小时，沉浸在发售后推出的每一个 DLC 和资料片中。（如果你好奇的话，我在 OXM 给 Oblivion 打了 9.5 分。）上古卷轴IV：湮灭重制版 可以说是高清时代初期最具定义性的时刻，也是 Xbox 360 真正的“杀手级应用”——为了不错过这款游戏，你必须购买这台主机。如果你读到了这里，我敢打赌你对这款作品也有很多美好的回忆。希望 The Elder Scrolls 6 能够重现哪怕是一部分那样的魔力。Xbox 25 周年想要了解更多关于我二十多年来撰写 Xbox 游戏评论的回忆，请查看以下故事：局外人局内人outsiders&insiders 是我玩过的最接近“完美”的游戏对不起 Halo，但 细胞分裂3：混沌理论 才是初代 Xbox 最好的游戏毫无疑问，初代 Mass Effect 是三部曲中故事最好的我在全球其他玩家之前玩到了 Halo 2，差点把突兀的结局当作 Bug 上报蝙蝠侠：阿卡姆疯人院 标志着“烂片改编游戏”时代的终结Xbox 360 上的 Fight Night Round 3 是高清时代第一款令人惊叹的游戏星球大战：旧共和国武士™™II：西斯领主™ 让 RPG 在 Xbox 上合法化摇滚乐队3 太棒了，我和同事把储藏室改造成了“摇滚乐队3 房”Ryan McCaffrey 是预览业务的执行主编，也是每周 Xbox 节目 Podcast Unlocked 的主持人，以及 Next-Gen Console Watch 的联合主持人。

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