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前PS公关负责人加入Shift Up 玩家担忧DEI理念影响后续宣发_我的网站

一 |     由你来说：靠美艳女角色打开赛道的《剑星》竟遭DEI入侵，金亨泰引狼入室引玩家担忧。    (ECNS)-- China's newly implemented Ethnic Unity and Progress Promotion Law has elicited a predictable response from certain Western media outlets. Whenever ethnic unity is referenced, some Western critics rush to frame it as "assimilation" or a push for uniform national identity.    Fan Yichou, associate professor at the Law School of Minzu University of China, argues that such misinterpretations arise primarily from projecting Western historical nation-state building trajectories onto China's ethnic policies.    Put simply, some Western observers do not view China from the perspective of its domestic social realities, but rather judge it through the lens of their own historical experience.    Fan argued that the traditional Western nation-state model rests on a core premise: one ethnic community ought to align with one sovereign state, with political boundaries largely overlapping ethnic territories. To build culturally homogeneous nation-states, most Western powers historically sought to eradicate internal ethnic diversity through assimilation, exclusion, and other coercive measures. Such nation-building drives were often accompanied by territorial conquest, mass population displacement, and systemic violence.    He drew on arguments laid out by Canadian political philosopher Will Kymlicka, who observes that the classical European template of nation-building rested on an implicit consensus: states should strive to become culturally homogeneous, by either assimilating national minorities or expelling them. For centuries, this ideal of a mono-national state shaped state policy across almost all Western European countries, with Switzerland stands out as the only major exception.    This deep-rooted historical trajectory continues to frame contemporary discourse on ethnic governance.    A stark modern illustration emerged in 2025, when Danish local authorities took away the newly-born daughter of an 18-year-old Inuit mother from Greenland just one hour after birth following a controversial parenting competency assessment. Her case was far from isolated. According to reports by the BBC and other media outlets, another Greenlandic mother had all three of her children under state custody. She was first subjected to a so-called parenting competency test after social services raised concerns about the language development of her eldest daughter. Although the Danish government has decided to stop using such tests on Greenlandic families, local authorities have yet to halt the practice.    The enduring harm of assimilationist policies extends far beyond this Danish case. UNESCO’s Memory of the World archives document that Canada's Indigenous residential school system continuously operated for nearly 150 years, with the explicit state objective of assimilating Indigenous children into settler society. Generations of Indigenous children were forcibly separated from their families, severed from their ancestral languages, cultural traditions, and intergenerational knowledge systems.        The United States has grappled with comparable challenges. According to a 2025 Associated Press report, Native American children in California are roughly about four times more likely to enter the foster-care system than their peers.    Newborns separated from their mother shortly after birth. Generations of children torn apart from their families and ancestral languages. Indigenous youth who remain vastly overrepresented in foster-care placements to this day. All these are legacies of the West's long-standing obsession with assimilation.    That explains why, when some in the West hear China speak of "ethnic unity," they instinctively equate it with "assimilation." In reality, they are projecting their own social trauma onto China.    China's context, however, is fundamentally different.    As Fan Yichou notes, China has long been a unified multi-ethnic country. Within the Chinese tradition, political unity has not demanded cultural uniformity. Instead, unity and diversity have coexisted across most of the nation's history.    This outlook finds theoretical expression in the concept of plurality-in-unity put forward by renowned Chinese sociologist Fei Xiaotong. In his framework, China's 56 ethnic groups represent the plurality, whereas the Chinese nation embodies unity.    From this perspective, the Ethnic Unity and Progress Promotion Law is not designed to eliminate ethnic differences. Instead, it seeks to strengthen a shared sense of belonging while respecting cultural diversity.    This distinction highlights a broader divergence between China and the West in approaching identity and social cohesion.    In many Western societies, historical assimilation sought to diminish group differences and compel minority groups to conform to dominant-culture norms. By contrast, China's emphasis on forging a strong sense of community for the Chinese nation is not intended to obliterate diversity. It seeks to build shared civic and national identity, while enabling all ethnic groups to sustain their own languages, customs, and cultural traditions.        Ethnic groups may speak different languages, practice different customs, and vary in development level. Yet they can still uphold shared dedication to national progress and a common sense of belonging within a unified multi-ethnic state.    Genuine ethnic unity does not require everyone to fit into the same mold. It means ensuring that different ethnic groups can participate in national development while maintaining their own cultural characteristics and thriving with equal dignity and equitable opportunities.    So when some in the West equate China's "ethnic unity" with "assimilation," their judgment stems not from an accurate assessment of China’s reality, but from a subconscious projection of their own historical burdens, contemporary social anxieties, and deep-rooted institutional scars onto China's ethnic policies.    They are either unwilling or unable to fully comprehend China's governance philosophy and practices, yet arbitrarily pass arrogant judgment on the country. The outcome of this biased approach will be no exception of absurd narratives that fundamentally contradict objective reality.                    。

二 | 你觉得Shift Up会在后续作品中融入“正确”元素吗？     8月20日，前PlayStation公关负责人Jerome Benzadon通过社交平台宣布，自己将正式加入韩国游戏开发商Shift Up，担任全球公关总监，负责公司旗下游戏的全球宣发与推广工作。    Jerome Benzadon表示，在PlayStation度过了难忘的13年后，他非常高兴能够加入Shift Up，并期待与金亨泰及其团队合作，负责相关作品的全球宣传推广。他还特别提到了团队此前打造的作品，称自己已经迫不及待希望参与其中。据了解，Jerome Benzadon此前曾在PlayStation工作长达13年，拥有丰富的游戏行业公关与市场推广经验。

三 | 此前他将产品与企业公关列为自身专长之一，同时在个人简介中提及自己“专注于DEI”等相关议题。    这一履历信息也迅速引发部分玩家讨论。由于Shift Up此前凭借《剑星》以及《妮姬》等作品形成了较为鲜明的女性角色审美与视觉风格，一些玩家担心，拥有DEI相关工作理念的新任全球公关负责人加入后，会不会对公司未来作品的角色设计、市场宣传以及全球化策略产生影响。    在相关讨论中，有玩家表示自己今后“不会再预购任何游戏”，也有人直接质疑Shift Up此次人事安排；还有玩家认为，Shift Up旗下作品本身就是凭借角色设计和女性角色魅力获得大量关注，因此聘请这样一位强调DEI理念的公关负责人可能存在一定的风格冲突。    不过需要注意的是，目前并没有证据表明Jerome Benzadon加入Shift Up后会推动修改公司游戏中的角色设计，也没有官方消息确认DEI理念将影响《剑星》后续作品或Shift Up未来游戏。目前玩家的相关担忧主要源自其个人职业履历中的公开信息，最终是否会对公司作品产生实际影响，还有待后续观察。    对于Shift Up而言，随着《剑星》取得成功并进一步推进全球市场布局，聘请拥有多年PlayStation公关经验的高管，也意味着公司正在进一步强化自身的国际化发行与品牌推广能力。本文由游民星空制作发布，未经允许禁止转载。更多相关资讯请关注：剑星专区。

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Published on:08:05:15